Trust Fund Doctrine
A theory adopted by the United
States courts, to the effect
that the capital stock of a
corporation is a Trust Fund for
the payment of its debts. This
theory probably originated in
the rule that subscribers for
stock are liable up to the par
value of the stock subscribed
for by them. The incidents of an
equitable trust are not applied
in case of an insolvent
corporation.
Any diligent creditor may
satisfy his whole claim, even to
exhausting the entire assets of
the corporation, if he levies
execution before the other
creditors, and in absence of a
statute to the contrary an
insolvent corporation may make a
preference of creditors in
paying debts. If the assets and
capital stock were a true trust
fund for the benefit of
creditors, a court of equity
would compel an equal
distribution of the assets among
all the creditors. The term
"trust fund", therefore, seems
an unfortunate misnomer of a
just and equitable rule, but no
hardship is created thereby. See
TRUSTS.
Trusts
The word Trusts in this article
is used of large corporations or
associations of corporations or
of individuals mostly engaged in
manufacturing, which possess
sufficient power to fix the
prices of their products, in
part at least, on the principle
of monopoly. It does not include
railways or combinations of
railways, or Trusts in the
technically legal sense.
Industrial Conditions Leading
To Formation of Trusts
The Trusts are a late
development, since, until late
in the nineteenth century,
industrial conditions were not
favorable for their formation.
In earlier times organizations
possessing monopolistic power
were either created by law or
secured their power through the
possession of some natural
advantage, such as the exclusive
possession of certain natural
resources, as mines, etc., or
through the advantage which
comes from the exclusive
occupancy of positions of
advantage in doing their
work---railroads, telegraphs,
etc.
In the modern Trust we often
find combined with the
advantages of great capital and
perfected business organization
also some of these natural
advantages, but they are not the
essence of the Trust advantage.
The chief causes, from the
industrial point of view, which
have led to the organization of
Trusts, are: (1) The existence
of competition which was
practically ruinous in its
nature, brought about in part by
the ease of intercourse between
persons in different localities,
and by the difficulty of
withdrawing readily capital once
invested in fixed plants. Such
competition almost of necessity
at times will become so fierce
that all parties concerned will
fail of making any profit. (2)
The possibility of saving
industrially many of the wastes
which come from the competitive
system, provided the interests
of the various competitors are
harmonized.
Without discussing in detail
these wastes of competition,
there may properly be mentioned
the salaries of traveling
salesmen, the expense of keeping
up expensive show windows, the
cost of competitive advertising,
the loss from undue extension of
credits, the loss of custom
which comes from carrying only a
partial instead of a complete
stock, the loss from the payment
of cross freights, the loss from
running manufacturing plants to
only part of their capacity or
part of the time. There may be
mentioned also as a gain from
combination the saving from
standardizing the machinery and
from prevention of the waste of
time due to stopping and
changing machinery, the saving
from the most efficient
organization of laborers and
from managing all plants in an
enterprise by the most skillful
men instead of having part of
them directed by men of meager
ability, the certainty of a
regular supply of raw material,
and the most efficient use of
by-products.
Other Influences As Causes:
Aside from the industrial
conditions that have led to the
organization of Trusts, certain
other influences are to be
noted. (1) The promoters of the
large enterprises have in many
cases succeeded in making very
large profits from the
organization. Likewise the
financiers who have underwritten
the stock have been able to
exact very large payment for the
risks which they have taken. The
immediate personal interest of
the promoter and financier has
thus been a very powerful
factor--sometimes even the most
powerful factor in bringing
about the combinations. (2)
Governmental favors of various
kinds have sometimes tended in
the same direction.
Although the protective tariff
can scarcely be mentioned as a
direct cause of the organization
of industrial combinations, it
is doubtless true that when an
industry which otherwise would
not have prospered has been
first made very profitable by a
protective tariff, so that
numerous rival establishments
have invested large sums of
money in it, the consequent
rivalry has led to the formation
of combinations.
It is also probable that in
certain instances the protective
tariff, by lessening foreign
competition, has promised to the
promoters of a combination the
opportunity for greater profits
than could have been anticipated
without the existence of the
tariff. In this indirect way,
therefore, we may well consider
the legislative favor of the
protective tariff under certain
circumstances as an indirect
cause of the Trust. Similarly,
the monopoly granted by the
patent laws, by copyrights, by
trade-marks, and other
legislative benefits, have led
to the organization of some of
the great combinations.
Extent of Combination
Movement
As yet, there are no
satisfactory statistics
regarding the extent of the
combination movement in this
county. The only material of
this nature that is trustworthy
is that secured by the United
States Census of 1900, published
in volume vii., part I., of the
Report on Manufactures. This
report included only those
"Trusts" which consist of a
number of formerly independent
mills which had been brought
together into one company under
a charter obtained for that
purpose. Accordingly many
establishments which might
properly have been included
under the word "Trusts" were
excluded.
Moreover, many of the largest
corporations organized during
the last few years, including
the United States Steel
Corporation, were organized
later and hence were not
included. The figures given,
however, include 185
combinations with 2040 plants.
The total capitalization was
$1,436,625,910. The total cost
of materials used was
$1,089,666,334, and the value of
the products $1,667,350,949. The
total gross value of all
manufactured products enumerated
in the census was
$13,004,400,143.
For the purpose of comparison
there should be subtracted from
this total the value of the
products of the hand trades or
the mechanical and neighborhood
industries, since these are not
adaptable to the form of
management known as the
industrial combination. There
remains a total gross product of
industries susceptible of
combination into Trusts of
$11,820,784,665. Comparing this
with the product of the
industrial combinations, it
seems that in 1900 the Trusts
produced nearly 14.1 per cent.
of the total gross product of
the manufacturing industries of
the country, as enumerated by
the census.
Doubtless at the present time
this ratio would need to be
somewhat increased. Yet it would
probably be fair to say that
even at the present time the
Trusts do not manufacture more
than 25 to 30 per cent. at the
outside of all the industries in
the country readily susceptible
of industrial combination. It is
impossible at the present
writing to say more that that
the Trusts have developed very
rapidly of late years and that
they apparently, though not
certainly, are absorbing
steadily a continually growing
percentage of the entire
industries of the country.
It seems, however, to be equally
clear that there are many lines
of industry which are not
susceptible of management under
the Trust organization, and a
point will probably be reached
within the not far distant
future when industries which,
from their nature, can be
advantageously organized into
Trusts will all substantially be
so organized, and those not
capable of advantageous
organization in this form will
be recognized as industries
normally managed by independent
producers.