DESIRE for better
economic opportunity has been
the leading motive of Italian
immigration to the United
States. Causes that have
attracted some peoples, such as
desire for political or
religious freedom, or the spirit
of adventure, have not drawn the
Italian emigrant from his native
land. Economic pressure in
Italy—wages so low that they
permitted only very poor
standards of living and no
outlook for improvement—caused
both men and women to seek new
fields of labor in a strange
country. From the hills and
vineyards of Lombardy and
Tuscany, from the mountains of
Abruzzi, from the farms of
Basilicata and the mines of
Sicily, they have come with the
one common purpose of getting
better paid work.
While in 1880 Italian-born
Italians in the United States
numbered 44,230, by 1910 they
had reached a total population
of 1,343,125. In that year the
total number of Italians in the
United States, born in Italy, or
children of Italian parents, was
2,098,360. New York City alone
included 544,4492 in its
population of four and a half
million, and had within its
boundaries as many persons of
Italian stock as Naples, the
largest city in Italy.
Two-thirds of these, or 340,765,
were immigrants of Italian
birth, while the other third,
203,684, had been born here of
Italian-born parents.
Italian Colonies In New York
City
Like the earlier immigrants from
other countries, Italians have
drifted into particular
neighborhoods of the city where
their countrymen had already
made their homes. Several such
settlements have grown up in
various parts of Manhattan, the
Bronx, and Brooklyn. The
principal districts, however,
lie in Manhattan, and the
section below Fourteenth Street
still claims about a third of
the Italians in the city. Even
here they are concentrated still
further into four or five
neighborhoods. One is on the
lower east side, above the
Manhattan end of Brooklyn
Bridge. Another lies a little
farther north, between
Fourteenth Street and East
Houston Street; and a third, the
most densely populated, extends
from the Bowery to Broadway
above old Chinatown. On the west
side, extending roughly from
West Broadway to the Hudson
River and from Canal Street to
West Fourth Street, is the
district most varied in its
Italian population. Here are
found families whose parents
were emigrants from Genoa thirty
or forty years ago, together
with the emigrants from Sicily
who have recently passed through
Ellis Island. Into this
neighborhood, too, families have
moved from the east side as they
have become more prosperous, so
that both poor families and
those comfortably well off live
on the same block.
The name "Little Italy" is
frequently applied to each of
these districts, and not
inappropriately. They form small
communities in themselves,
almost independent of the life
of the great city. Here the
people may follow the customs
and ways of their forefathers.
They speak' their own language,
trade in stores kept by
countrymen, and put their
savings into Italian banks.
Italian newspapers supply them
with the day's news; Italian
theaters and moving-picture
shows furnish their recreation.
Italian priests minister to
their spiritual needs in the
Catholic churches, and societies
composed only of Italians are
organized for mutual aid and
benefit. The stores all bear
Italian names, the special
bargains and souvenirs of the
day are advertised in Italian,
and they offer for sale the
wines and olive oils, "pasta,"
and other favorite foods of the
people.
Religious feasts and holidays
are observed with as much pomp
as they were in the villages
from which these peasants came.
The new-born babe is wrapped
tightly in a swaddling sheet and
its birth is celebrated by much
drinking of wine and neighborly
rejoicing. Marriages are
frequently arranged by the
parents, sometimes even with the
help of a marriage broker. The
father and oldest son have full
authority over the members of
their household and the wife and
daughters abide by their rule. A
single woman, young or old,
cannot go out alone in the
evening without risk to her good
name.
While emigrants from all parts
of Italy may be found in any
district, differences of
dialect, customs, and standards
of living prevent much social
intercourse unless they come
from the same province. Northern
Italians will refer to people
from Naples and Sicily as "low"
Italians, and those from the
south assert that the north
speaks a different tongue. A
woman from the vicinity of
Naples scornfully remarked that
"in our language ladies don't go
out to work after they are
married, but they do in Sicily."
Immigrants when they first
arrive will naturally seek out a
street or house where others
from the same village live.
Sometimes a five-story tenement
with its 20 or 30 apartments may
be filled entirely with friends
and relatives from the same
village or farm district. After
they have been here a few years,
the line of demarcation becomes
fainter. In the older Italian
neighborhoods, as on the west
side, Sicilian, Genoese, and
Neapolitans may be found in the
same house; and their scorn of
one another has become tempered
with the mild forbearance of
dwellers in the same tenement.
The social character of the
Italian soon induces the woman
from Naples to take her home
work into the rooms of her
Sicilian neighbor, or Theresa
from Genoa to ask her foreman to
take Maria into his factory,
even though Maria comes from
Basilicata.
The tenements in which the
Italians lived differed widely
in the comforts they provided.
Some had bathrooms, one had the
luxury of hot water three times
a week, but the sole water
supply of many, cold at that,
was a sink in a public hallway.
The majority of families did not
have a private toilet, but had
to use one in common with others
in the tenement, sometimes as
many as four families using the
one toilet, often filthy, dark,
and with plumbing out of order.
Little activity was shown on the
part of the landlords in making
improvements in these tenements,
and if tubs or cupboards were
installed, a dollar or two a
month was added to the rent. The
halls, dark or lighted by a
single gas jet, were seldom
provided with oilcloth, and the
rickety wooden stairs, grimy and
littered, were hard to keep
clean. Usually the janitor was
not energetic enough to make war
on the dirt accumulating from
the footsteps of the hundred or
more occupants of the building.
Nor were the apartments much
better kept. When new tenants
moved in the walls might be
recovered with a new coat of
paint so thin that the old paint
was still visible, but landlords
were slow to repair broken
plumbing or leaking sinks. If
any repairing was to be done for
an old tenant, he was sometimes
called upon to pay part of the
cost. Each tenant had to supply
his own cook-stove, and some
apartments were not even
supplied with gas, dangerous oil
lamps still being used. Some
families, however, were
fortunate enough to live in
newer tenements with stone
stairways and fairly well
lighted halls, not, however,
always well cared for. Even in
these tenements, dark rooms were
to be found.
But whether the families lived
in old houses which had formerly
served as the home for one small
family but now did service for
eight or ten, or in old
tenements with small, dark
rooms, or in the newer tenements
fitted with "all improvements,"
an extraordinary amount of
overcrowding prevailed. Seventy
per cent of all the persons in
these Italian households were
living under congested
conditions; that is, with more
than one and one-half persons
per room, 54 per cent averaged
two or more persons to a room,
while in one family in every 10
the household counted three or
more persons per room.
The Women Investigated
Such were the homes of the 1,095
wage-earning women who were
interviewed for this study. All
but 27 lived in the Italian
districts below Fourteenth
Street, and over three-fourths,
or 772, were in the lower west
side colony in the neighborhood
of Richmond Hill House.
The majority of this group of
women were very young,
two-thirds being under
twenty-one years of age, while a
tenth were under sixteen. Only
66, or 6 per cent, were over
thirty-five years old.
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