Volume: V Page: 440 (extract) "In the meantime it
is the duty of the Government, by all proper means
within its power, to aid in alleviating the sufferings
of the people occasioned by the suspension of the banks
and to provide against a recurrence of the same
calamity. Unfortunately, in either aspect of the case it
can do but little. Thanks to the independent treasury,
the Government has not suspended payment, as it was
compelled to do by the failure of the banks in 1837. It
will continue to discharge its liabilities to the people
in gold and silver. Its disbursements in coin will pass
into circulation and materially assist in restoring a
sound currency. From its high credit, should we be
compelled to make a temporary loan, it can be effected
on advantageous terms. This, however, shall if possible
be avoided, but if not, then the amount shall be limited
to the lowest practicable sum.
Volume: V Pages: 440-441 (extract) "I have
therefore determined that whilst no useful Government
works already in progress shall be suspended, new works
not already commenced will be postponed if this can be
done without injury to the country. Those necessary for
its defense shall proceed as though there had been no
crisis in our monetary affairs. But the Federal
Government can not do much to provide against a
recurrence of existing evils. Even if insurmountable
constitutional objections did not exist against the
creation of a national bank, this would furnish no
adequate preventive security. The history of the last
Bank of the United States abundantly proves the truth of
this assertion.
Such a bank could not, if it would, regulate the
issues and credits of 1,400 State banks in such a manner
as to prevent the ruinous expansions and contractions in
our currency which afflicted the country throughout the
existence of the late bank, or secure us against future
suspensions. In 1825 an effort was made by the Bank of
England to curtail the issues of the country banks under
the most favorable circumstances. The paper currency had
been expanded to a ruinous extent, and the bank put
forth all its power to contract it in order to reduce
prices and restore the equilibrium of the foreign
exchanges. It accordingly commenced a system of
curtailment of its loans and issues, in the vain hope
that the joint stock and private banks of the Kingdom
would be compelled to follow its example. it found,
however, that as it contracted they expanded, and at the
end of the process, to employ the language of a very
high official authority, "whatever reduction of the
paper circulation was effected by the Bank of England
(in 1825) was more than made up by the issues of the
country banks.
But a bank of the United States would not, if it could,
restrain the issues and loans of the State banks,
because its duty as a regulator of the currency must
often be in direct conflict with the immediate interest
of its stockholders. If we expect one agent to restrain
or control another, their interests must, at least in
some degree, be antagonistic. But the directors of a
bank of the United States would feel the same interest
and the same inclination with the directors of the State
banks to expand the currency, to accommodate their
favorites and friends with loans, and to declare large
dividends. Such has been our experience in regard to the
last bank.
After all, we must mainly rely upon the patriotism and
wisdom of the States for the prevention and redress of
the evil. If they will afford us a real specie basis for
our paper circulation by increasing the denomination of
bank notes, first to twenty and afterwards to fifty
dollars; if they will require that ;the banks shall at
all times keep on hand at least one dollar of gold and
silver for every three dollars of their circulation and
deposits, and if they will provide by a self-executing
enactment, which nothing can arrest, that the moment
they suspend they shall go into liquidation, I believe
that such provisions, with a weekly publication by each
bank of a statement of its condition, would go far to
secure us against future suspensions of specie payments.
Congress, in my opinion, possess the power to pass a
uniform bankrupt law applicable to all banking
institutions throughout the United States, and I
strongly recommend its exercise. This would make it the
irreversible organic law of each bank's existence that a
suspension of specie payments shall produce its civil
death. The instinct of self-preservation would then
compel it to perform its duties in such a manner as to
escape the penalty and preserve its life.
The existence of banks and the circulation of bank paper
are so identified with the habits of our people that
they can not at this day be suddenly abolished without
much immediate injury to the country. If we could
confine them to their appropriate sphere and prevent
them from administering to the spirit of wild and
reckless speculation by extravagant loans and issues,
they might be continued with advantage to the public.
But this I say, after long and much reflection: If
experience shall prove it to be impossible to enjoy the
facilities which well-regulated banks might afford
without at the same time suffering the calamities which
the excesses of the banks have hitherto inflicted upon
the country, it would then be far the lesser evil to
deprive them altogether of the power to issue a paper
currency and confine them to the functions of banks of
deposit and discount.
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