December 3, 1822, an observer in
Washington described the
political situation there in
these words: "While he who now
fills the halls of the White
House is slowly closing his eyes
upon the rich trifles of the
world, like an old father he
stands surrounded by three
full-grown sons, each seeking
the inheritance cabinet, on his
departure. John Q., from the
favors bestowed by the old man
in his lifetime, has been deemed
a favorite always : J. C.,
however, from being possessed of
a sanguine temper, sets up also
pretensions to the inheritance.
William and the old gentleman,
you know, it has been reported,
are constantly disagreeing in
opinion and are hence not quite
so friendly as father and son
should be; be this as it may, it
seems pretty well settled that
the Virginia estate, if not
already done, will be
apportioned to the Latter."
These words will describe the
opening of the campaign of 1824,
but they do not mention two
other candidates, Clay and
General Jackson.
Of the five aspirants Adams had
the support of New England and
some strength outside of it in
sections where the federalists
had been strong. Crawford was
the heir of the old organization
which directed the Virginia-New
York alliance, now sadly shorn
of its power. Every other
candidate made inroads
candidates on it. Calhoun took
South Carolina, and Pennsylvania
seemed his through his support
of internal improvements. Clay
had Kentucky and was accorded
the new states north of the Ohio
with Missouri and Louisiana.
Jackson had Tennessee, and was
making hard efforts to shame
North Carolina out of her old
practice of following Virginia
blindly. Thus, in getting the
old organization, Crawford got
little more than his own state,
with Virginia, and the support
of the anti-Clintonian faction
of New York republicans. In so
confused a state of party no one
expected any candidate to have a
majority of the electoral votes,
and an election by the house of
representatives seemed likely.
Before the campaign closed,
Calhoun was eliminated as a
contestant for first place. He
had counted on Pennsylvania
because the politicians there
were for him. But Jackson, whose
candidacy Calhoun was announced
late, gathered strength with the
people of the state, and the
politicians early in 1824 came
to realize that they could not
carry Calhoun to victory. They
quickly took up Jackson, and
Calhoun anxiously waiting to
hear that this great state had
declared for him, was astonished
to learn that it had been swept
over to Jackson. It was fatal to
his hopes, but he calmly
acquiesced in a plan to make him
vice-president, and in that
field he had little opposition.
His decline in position implied
the improvement of Jackson's
chances.
Crawford was generally esteemed
the leading candidate until a
stroke of paralysis laid him low
in September, 1823. His friends
declared it was slight, his
enemies said he was at death's
door. Neither assertion was
correct, but he was an invalid
all through the year 1824, and
was, in fact, not physically
strong enough to come back into
active national politics. The
organization which had adopted
him strove hard to hold its grip
on its following, and was so
successful that in the election
he had the third place among the
candidates.
As the organization candidate he
would naturally have the
stronger following in the
republican caucus, hitherto a
strong recommendation To
overcome this advantage his
opponent united to break down
the caucus. This piece of party
machinery was undemocratic, and
tended to make the presidency
subservient to a congressional
ring. It had been tolerated only
because it was the sole
attainable means of securing
concentration of purpose in a
largely disorganized party
group. To oppose it, nomination
by state legislatures was now
resorted to. Various states
recommended their favorites to
the people and issued severe
criticisms of the caucus system.
So unpopular became the
institution that none but the
Crawford men would attend, and
when in February, 1824, the last
republican caucus that was to
meet was called to order, only
66 of the 216 republicans in
congress were present. Of these,
all but four voted for Crawford.
In the attack on the caucus, the
friends of Jackson, who was
hailed as tin- people's
candidate, were most active.
The campaign of 1824, like its
two predecessors, was conducted
on personal grounds. This does
not mean that principles were
then unknown, but that on the
leading principles under
discussion, tariff and internal
improvements, the candidates
were practically of the same
opinion. Clay was the peculiar
champion of the tariff, but
neither of the others opposed
it. Calhoun was preeminently for
internal improvements, but all
the others mildly favored them.
Crawford's friends in the South
talked about his devotion to the
"principles of 1798," the
doctrines of strict
reconstruction ; but national
measures were so popular that
they dare not press the point.
Some Southerners wished to raise
the question of Adams's attitude
on the Missouri question, but he
replied that he was for
conciliation. In fact, no one
dared bring up this point, since
it would injure a Southern
candidate in the North as much
as a Northern candidate in the
South. As the only Northern
candidate, Adams got the vote of
that large portion of the
inhabitants of his section who
resented the Virginia
domination. He was not
personally popular there, spite
of his many excellent qualities.
No one awaited the election
returns more impatiently than
Clay. In 1823 he was
triumphantly reflected speaker,
and if the election went to the
house and he were one of the
three highest, his popularity in
that body would give him
excellent prospects. His fate
hung on the action of Louisiana
and New York. In the former
state he had a majority of the
legislature, which chose the
electors, but a vote was taken
when three of his friends were
absent, and the Jackson and
Adams men combined and carried
the day. In New York the
legislature also had the choice,
and by skillful manipulation
three of the men chosen as Clay
men voted at last for his
opponents. A loser at these two
points, he got only 37 votes,
while Crawford got 41, Adams 84,
and Jackson 99. His narrow
failure to fall among the lucky
three was partly atoned for by
the knowledge that in the field
into which the contest was now
committed he would be the
arbiter between his rivals.